The businesses sanctioned are Alkhaleej Bank and Al-Fakher Advanced Works, controlled by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), and Zadna International, controlled by the Sudanese army, according to a US Treasury Department statement.

War broke out last April between the two forces, resulting in the devastation of wide swaths of the country, the killing of thousands of civilians, warnings of famine and the world’s largest internal displacement crisis.

The RSF are accused by the US of participating in an ethnic cleansing campaign in West Darfur, along with war crimes and crimes against humanity.

The army, which has carried out a widespread airstrike campaign, is also accused of war crimes by the US.

“The conflict in Sudan continues, in part, due to key individuals and entities that help fund the continuation of the violence,” said Under Secretary of the Treasury for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence Brian E. Nelson.

Alkhaleej Bank is “an essential part of the RSF’s efforts to finance its operations” that received $50 million from the Central Bank of Sudan (CBoS) just before the war broke out, the Treasury Department said.

Holding company Alfakher was used to manage the RSF’s lucrative gold exports, its main source of financing to buy weapons.

Meanwhile, Zadna International was described as a “top revenue-earner” for the Sudanese army. The US Treasury Department said it continued to provide funding and was used for money-laundering.

The sanctions were imposed under a US executive order authorising sanctions on individuals who are destabilising Sudan and undermining the country’s democratic transition, the Treasury Department said.

Since the war began, the US has sanctioned the deputy head of the RSF, other major businesses owned by both sides, and other entities.

Source: The East African

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Begin text:

The Kingdom of Morocco and the United States of America co-hosted a Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) Africa Political Meeting and Outreach Event in Marrakesh, Morocco on January 31 – February 2, 2024. This meeting was co-chaired by the Director of the United Nations and International Organizations, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation and Moroccan Expatriates, Mr. Redouane Houssaini, and U.S. Under Secretary of State for Arms Control and International Security, Ambassador Bonnie Jenkins.

This meeting fulfilled a commitment made by Morocco at the PSI 20th Anniversary High-Level Political Meeting (HLPM) held in Jeju, Republic of Korea on May 30, 2023.

The Marrakesh event featured senior representatives of 35 countries from the international community, including 25 African States and 10 countries from the PSI Operational Experts Group.

Opening remarks were addressed by His Excellency Mr. Nasser Bourita, Minister of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation and Moroccan Expatriates, highlighting the pivotal role of the African dimension in international cooperation efforts to face the challenges posed by global security which should be given significant consideration within the framework of the PSI vision and commitment of Morocco to continue its support to the PSI and cooperate with the U.S. to encourage more African states to endorse this initiative.

Under Secretary Jenkins also addressed the changing international security environment and new challenges to counterproliferation norms and activities.

This event presented an opportunity for the PSI-endorsing states to reiterate their commitment to countering of the proliferation of WMDs, their delivery systems, and related materials, and to commit to further working together within the PSI in order to effectively address these issues.

A large number of participants from African countries welcomed the meeting and showed interest in the Initiative and committed to report back and assess with all national stakeholders to consider endorsing the PSI.

One of the primary objectives of the event was to underscore the significance of South-South cooperation as a focal point, showcasing how nations within this framework can leverage their unique strengths and resources to address common challenges.

This meeting represented another opportunity to highlight the close strategic partnership between the United States and Morocco, within the strategic dialogue initiated in 2013, and accentuate the depth of this historic long-standing friendship while exploring ways to broaden its horizons towards a triangular cooperation, involving Africa, in matters of security.

The PSI-endorsing states and participating states:

Highlighted the benefits of PSI endorsement and provided an understanding of PSI frameworks and Critical Capabilities and Practices.

Acknowledged the security challenges inherent in the current context, encompassing both Africa and the global landscape.

Provided an overview of proliferation threats and trends, both globally and within Africa through briefings and panel presentations received by the attendees.

Acknowledged the importance of the PSI as a voluntary mechanism and flexible framework, compliant with international law and mechanisms, to effectively address this threat.

Explored the paramount significance of national capacity building and interdepartmental coordination in addressing complex challenges related to the detection and interception of nuclear and radiological materials.

The new endorsers of the PSI: Benin, Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Togo, and Zambia, announced their formal endorsement of the PSI and the PSI Statement of Interdiction Principles.

Recognizing the gravity of the global security landscape, underscored the imperative for collaborative efforts on an international scale.

Demonstrated a shared commitment to fostering alliances, information-sharing, and coordinated actions to effectively address the complex challenges posed by the spread of WMDs.

Next Steps:

1. States that endorsed the PSI statement of Interdiction Principles at this meeting showed interest in participating in follow-up regional and sub-regional African events for new endorsers at a date and location to be determined.
2. The co-chairs suggested establishing a plan of action (workshops, training, operational cooperation) that will allow the new endorsing countries to reinforce their national capabilities to counter the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction. PSI-endorsing states committed to assisting new endorsers with additional training, education, and sharing best practices.
3. Morocco and the United States will continue to work closely with participating states to promote PSI in Africa.

Source: Mirage News

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Mr Blinken’s charm offensive comes as the administration sees an opportunity to invest in the region and strengthen relationships as Chinese and Russian influence rises.

He made his fourth trip to the continent since taking office, travelling to Cape Verde, Ivory Coast, Nigeria and Angola.

The Biden administration has been adamant that it regards African countries as important partners for the future and key allies in the fight against extremists in the Sahel.

In Ivory Coast and Nigeria, Mr Blinken promoted US investments and announced $45 million in new funding for security, which has been threatened by terrorism and coups across the region in recent years.

“Cote d’Ivoire [Ivory Coast] is an essential partner for us and for other countries in the region that are trying to move forward,” Mr Blinken said next to Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara at the country’s presidential palace in Abidjan.

“We appreciate particularly the leadership shown by Cote d’Ivoire in countering extremism and violence.”

In July, Washington lost a key ally in Niger, a country in which it had invested heavily, when the military junta overthrew democratically elected president Mohamed Bazoum.

Coups in Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso have fractured the Economic Community of West Africa, an important economic driver for the region.

On Sunday, the three countries, which had each been suspended from the bloc after the coups, announced that they were officially leaving.

Russia has honed in on the Sahel as a region of opportunity, with the mercenary group Wagner maintaining a presence in Mali and Russian troops recently flying into Burkina Faso.

During his whirlwind tour, in which he slept in a different city every night, Mr Blinken sought to highlight Washington’s positive influence on the region and its deepening economic ties with countries.

In Angola, his last stop, he promoted more than $1 billion in US investments, including $900 million for solar energy projects and a $250 million investment in the Lobito rail corridor, an ambitious project that connects resource-rich central Africa to the Atlantic Ocean through the Angolan coast.

“Our relationship is stronger, it’s more consequential, it’s farther-reaching than at any point in our 30-year friendship,” Mr Blinken said while in Luanda.

The Lobito project is the biggest US investment in infrastructure on the continent in a generation.

“This project has genuinely transformative potential for this nation, for this region, and – I would argue – for the world,” Mr Blinken said next to Angolan Foreign Minister Tete Antonio.

The corridor, part of which is already operational, will allow critical minerals such as cobalt and copper to more easily reach global markets.

US officials said the investments are advancing the Biden administration’s climate goals by having “clean energy through solar” and diversifying US supply chain access.

“Africa has the lowest rail and road density in the world and the refurbishments, plus the additions, is addressing a major deficit on the continent and it redounds to the US brand, the US reliability and US leadership,” a US official said.

It also is helping the US to bolster a new relationship with Angola at a time when the country appears to be turning away from China and Russia, two longtime allies.

Angola emerged from three decades of civil war in 2002. Historically, it has looked to China for major infrastructure projects.

In the years after the devastating civil war, Angolan president Jose Eduardo dos Santos sought Chinese loans and investments to rebuild the country. Years of borrowing have left Angola heavily indebted to Beijing.

“Angola is not about to become a Kenya, a sort of pro-West stalwart,” said Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, a professor at the Department of Politics and International Relations at the University of Oxford.

“But becoming closer to America does have the positive effect of diluting the overwhelming Chinese role in Angola, which the Angolans want to dilute.”

American officials insisted that US interest in the region was genuine and mutually beneficial, and rebuffed the idea that there was any geopolitical jostling.

For the better part of four decades, Angola was ruled by Mr do Santo. The current President, Joao Lourenco, appears to be cutting a different path, away from Russia and China.

Source: The National

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The closely-watched non-farm payrolls figures showed U.S. employers added 353,000 jobs in January, beating the 180,000 jobs economists had expected.

The rand was down about 1.1% at 18.8200 to the dollar by 1400 GMT, while the dollar was more than 0.6% stronger against a basket of global currencies .

When there are no major local economic data releases like on Friday, the rand often takes its cue from offshore drivers and dollar moves.

South African data on Thursday included a weak PMI survey for the manufacturing sector and a continued contraction in new vehicle sales, pointing to a sluggish start to 2024 for Africa’s most industrialised economy.

The Johannesburg Stock Exchange’s Top-40 index (.JTOPI), opens new tab was little changed. The yield on the 2030 government bond rose 7 basis points to 9.775%, reflecting a lower price.

Source: Reuters

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Nairobi has in the past fortnight hosted senior US intelligence and defence chiefs, including Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Director William Burns and head of the Africa Command (Africom) General Michael Langley. Their visits, about whose outcomes the government kept mum, yielded pledges of security and intelligence cooperation. Gen Langley also visited Somalia and Djibouti, while the CIA boss toured Somalia and DR Congo.

This week, Kenya was the only Horn of Africa country to publicly endorse airstrikes on the Iran-backed Houthi, whose acts of targeting ships in the Red Sea are now categorised by the West as terrorism.

“These strikes were designed to disrupt and degrade the capability of the Houthis to continue their attacks on global trade and innocent mariners from around the world, while avoiding escalation,” said a statement by the White House on Wednesday.

“We condemn these attacks, and demand an end to them. We also underscore that those who supply the Houthis with the weapons to conduct these attacks are violating UN Security Council Resolution 2216 and international law. The January 22 international response to the continuing Houthi attacks demonstrated shared resolve to uphold navigational rights and freedoms, and to defend the lives of mariners from illegal and unjustifiable attacks.”

The statement was endorsed by the governments of Kenya, Guinea-Bissau, Albania, Australia, Bahrain, Canada, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Netherlands, New Zealand, North Macedonia, Poland, Korea, Romania, UK, and US.

The Houthis were not initially considered a threat beyond their country. But since December, they have launched at least 30 attacks on commercial and naval ships passing through the Red Sea, ostensibly to retaliate for Israel’s war in Gaza against the Hamas militant group. Houthis have argued theirs is revenge for Israel’s atrocities on Palestinians.

While the Red Sea shipping route is crucial to Eastern African countries, shortening the importation times from Europe, the Horn of Africa states have steered clear of backing the counter-strikes. Somalia, Djibouti, Eritrea and Tanzania – all of whom may be affected by any maritime insecurity there — have chosen a neutral stance.

Kenya’s cooperation on the Houthi matter is meant to be an insurance policy against local piracy, a diplomatic source told The EastAfrican. But there are fears that it could attract the wrath of terror groups keen to raise their profile by appearing to side with the Palestinians.

Last week, the International Chamber of Commerce’s International Maritime Bureau advised shippers to remain vigilant as they transit waters off Somalia and the Gulf of Aden, as piracy remains a threat.

Attacks in the Red Sea mean ships reroute via the Gulf of Guinea to the southern tip of Africa, adding some 6,000km on their voyages, which brings in the importance of Guinea Bissau in securing that route.

The US considers Kenya an important and influential ally as “East Africa’s most dynamic economy”, which is “a growing regional business and financial hub”.

In 2018, Washington and Nairobi formally elevated their relations to a strategic partnership, prioritising five pillars of engagement: economic prosperity, trade, and investment; defence cooperation; democracy, governance, and civilian security; multilateral and regional issues; and public health cooperation.

In 2022, the two countries started negotiating the Strategic Trade and Investment Partnership (Stip), which Kenya hopes will help foster growth and improve its business environment.

Nairobi, meanwhile, is availing itself of Washington’s power of oversight and management of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, to ease pressure on debt repayment and rescue the economy.

It has not been lost on observers that, around the period it was hosting the senior US officials, the IMF approved $684.7 million disbursement to Kenya to shore up its ability to repay its first Eurobond, which matures in June.

The new funds are part of the $941.2 million from the augmentation/expansion of resources under the fund’s multiyear arrangement with Kenya.

Kenya has lobbied for additional resources from the IMF since last year, citing heightened balance of payment needs from the upcoming outsized maturity amid difficulties in accessing alternative funding from the international capital markets.

Besides leveraging IMF funding, Kenya has been seeking additional concessional funding from other sources, including the World Bank, alongside syndicated loans.

Sources told The EastAfrican that Kenya has agreed to support the anti-Houthi operation for American support for its own maritime and local security apparatus. The US has been campaigning against any direct or indirect support for the Houthis, including through Iran.
But Washington has also been subtle about first seeking to dissuade Houthis off the terror cause.

On January 17, 2024, the US Department of State announced the designation of Ansarallah (Houthis) as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT), effective February 16, 2024. It said the delayed implementation was to help “change behaviour” of Houthis, rather than punish them.

US former president Donald Trump’s administration had previously designated Houthis as a SDGT and as a Foreign Terrorist Organisation (FTO), but this labelling was reversed by President Joe Biden soon after he took power in February 2021, due to concerns that the measures could be an obstacle to humanitarian assistance reaching the Yemeni people.

On Thursday, the US and UK designated four Houthi military chiefs, Mohamed al-Atifi, Muhammad Fadl Abd al-Nabi, Muhammad Ali al-Qadiri and Muhammad Ahmad al-Talibi for targeting ships.

Americans have used influence, too, imposing a soft power of pledges, military support and financial backing for allies.

In Africa, only Kenya and Guinea-Bissau have publicly voiced support for aerial raids on Houthis. They have coincidentally suffered the pain of sea piracy in the past.

In Nairobi, officials publicly spoke of that military support from the US. Kenya’s Defence Cabinet Secretary Aden Duale, while not discussing the specific content of their meeting with Gen Langley said: “The US has been a critical partner in supporting Kenya’s quest in enhancing peace, security, and stability in the Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes Region.”

“The US government has been playing a key role in the support of the construction of the Kenya Defence Forces’ (KDF’s) Counter Insurgency, Terrorism and Stability Operations (Citso) Centre and offering the KDF personnel training opportunities.”

On Tuesday this week, the US, UK and more than 20 of their allies launched strikes against Houthis, warning the strikes will go on until Houthis call off the attacks. In a statement, UK said 24 countries, including the US, Germany and Australia, conducted strikes on Monday against eight targets in Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen in their bid to end the ongoing attacks in Red Sea.

For Kenya, the Houthis are not as a direct threat as the resurgence of piracy off the coast of Somalia with the threat of a rise in insurance premiums for shipping and hence the cost of importing goods via the Port of Mombasa.

A global naval coalition led by the US and the European Union almost wiped out piracy in the past decade. But four vessels have been attacked by pirates off Somalia since November 2023. Two of them were released while the other two are yet to be freed.

British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak has vowed to keep hampering the ability of the Houthis to attack ships.

“We are not seeking a confrontation,” he told parliament Monday.

“We urge the Houthis and those who enable them to stop these illegal and unacceptable attacks.”

Meanwhile, the United Nations on Wednesday asked Houthi authorities to reconsider their decision to expel US and British nationals working for the world body in Yemen.

Stephane Dujarric, spokesman for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, confirmed that the UN had received communication from the Houthi, giving all US and British nationals a month to leave the areas under their control.

“Any request or requirement for UN staff to leave based solely on the nationality of that staff is inconsistent with the legal framework applicable to the UN,” said Dujarric. “It also impedes our ability to deliver on the mandate to support all of the people in Yemen. And we call on all the authorities in Yemen to ensure that our staff can continue to perform their functions on behalf of the UN.”

He said UN staff serve impartially and serve the flag of the United Nations and none other.

The spokesman refused to say how many US and British nationals are working for the United Nations in Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen.

Source: The East African

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Blinken made his first stop in Cape Verde, a small island in West Africa, where he engaged Prime Minister Ulisses Correia e Silva in discussions and reiterated the US dedication to deepening and expanding its collaborations with Africa. Continuing his diplomatic journey, he then proceeded to Ivory Coast, Nigeria, and concluded his tour in Angola.

While Blicken, on his tour, touted the US as a crucial economic and security ally for Africa, particularly during times of regional and global challenges, analysts say that US foreign policy towards Africa has suggested that the continent may have been “pushed to the back burner.” Their assertions are not baseless.

At the US-Africa Leaders Summit in Washington in November 2022, President Joe Biden made commitments to support democracy in Africa and announced his endorsement for a permanent seat for the African Union at the Group of 20. Biden also promised to visit the continent but that dream never materialised as Washington was preoccupied with a host of global challenges, such as the war in Gaza and the Russia-Ukraine war.

Addressing questions about Biden’s unsuccessful visit during an interview in Nigeria, Blinken defended the president by saying, “It is just the opposite. The President very much wants to come to Africa. We have [had] 17 cabinet-level or department-level officials come since the Africa Leaders Summit.”

US Counterproductive Counter-terrorism Fight

In Abidjan, the capital of Ivory Coast, Secretary of State Antony Blinken pledged USD 45 million to bolster security along the West African coast. This commitment extends the funding for an ongoing program in the region, bringing the total to USD 300 million. Blinken commended the Ivorian military for their counterinsurgency efforts in combating armed groups, acknowledging the difficulty of the region’s location between Mali and Burkina Faso and recognizing hotspots for violence in the Sahel.

For over two decades, the US has made consistent efforts to enhance security and promote democracy, particularly in the Sahel. However, despite these investments, terrorism persists, leading to frequent coups that pose a continuous threat to the stability of the continent.

Last year saw President Mohamed Bazoum of the Niger Republic–a crucial US ally–forcibly ousted from power by disgruntled US-trained military officers. This coup dealt a significant blow to Niger’s sprouting democracy, as President Bazoum had ascended to power through the country’s first democratic elections. Moreover, it marked a setback to the longstanding US endeavours to foster democracy in the Sahel.

Facing international pressure, the coup plotters justified their actions by pointing to President Bazoum’s perceived inability to effectively address the threat of insurgency in the country, despite substantial investments by the US in regional security.

Since 2012, the US has allocated more than USD 500 million in security assistance to Niger, positioning it as the leading recipient of US military aid in West Africa and the second-highest in sub-Saharan Africa.

In addition to having troops on the ground, the US currently operates a drone base in sub-Saharan Africa, a USD 100 million facility based in Agadez. However, despite these advancements, counterinsurgency operations funded by taxpayers have given rise to splinter groups associated with jihadist militancy, causing distress in villages and towns.

Experts attribute the insurgency in Sub-Saharan Africa to the US-led invasion of Libya, which failed to bring stability to the country and resulted in the proliferation of arms and violent groups across the region when foreign fighters, especially the Turareg rebels loyal to Libya’s dictator, Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, fled the country after his death.

A recent report by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies, a US defense department research institution, indicates that the Sahel experienced the largest increase in violent events linked to militant Islamists in the past year compared to any other region in Africa, with 2,737 violent events. The report notes that attacks linked to militant Islamist groups in the Sahel have surged by 3,500% since 2016.

“If the US had not destabilised Libya, there is no way Nigeria, Mali, Niger, Chad, and Burkina Faso would have been in chaos,” argues Zainab Dabo, a Nigerian-based political analyst.

“With military takeovers in [West Africa], along with a general distrust for the West, Blinken is here to offer an irresistible package of promises in a bid to remain relevant, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa, where Russia is gaining influence,” she added.

For the US, Russia’s expanding influence in Africa is a cause for worry. The rivalry between the two nations intensified significantly following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Russia justified its actions by citing the US-led NATO expansion in Ukraine, which it deemed a threat. Although the US has refrained from direct involvement in the conflict, it has provided substantial financial and military assistance to Ukraine.

Meanwhile, tensions between the US and Russia are escalating in Africa. This is evident as coup plotters, many of whom have undergone military training in the US, are now ditching the West to seek military support from the Russian-backed private military Wagner group in their efforts to combat terrorism. Russia is also actively seeking to gain influence in Africa and challenge the dominance of the dollar through the BRICS.

However, while the Biden administration is considering designating the Wagner Group, a Russian group, as a terrorist organisation for its human rights violations, the US has always shied away from its own misdeeds in Africa.

US military partnerships on the continent have been marred by a record of human rights abuses, fostering distrust of Western influence.

In Nigeria, where Blicken promised support for improved security, a US-Nigerian airstrike in 2017 hit a refugee camp in Raan, near the Cameroon border, killing at least 115. Until today, no one has been held accountable for the massacre, and the victims have not gotten justice.

In Somalia, where the US military has conducted numerous airstrikes against the Islamic Jihad group Al-Shabaab for more than a decade, civilian casualties have become inevitable, many leaving family members in agony and with no hope of justice.

In 2020, Amnesty International slammed the US Africa Command (AFRICOM) for killing a woman and a young child in an airstrike in Somalia. Despite the families of the victims of this strike contacting the US Mission to Somalia, Amnesty International reported that neither US diplomatic staff nor AFRICOM had reached out to them to offer reparation.

US, China, Russia and the Scramble for Africa

According to Frank Tietie, a lawyer and human rights activist in Abuja, Nigeria’s capital, Blinken’s visit coincides with a period when America’s influence is perceived to be at a low point in the recent scramble for Africa. Tietie maintains that the US needs to go beyond merely advocating for democracy and should actively match China and Russia’s efforts by deploying both financial and developmental resources.Close

Since 2003, Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in Africa has experienced a substantial increase, rising from a modest USD 74.8 million in 2003 to USD 5.4 billion in 2018. Although it saw a decline to USD 2.7 billion in 2019, the trend reversed, despite the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic, with a resurgence to USD 4.2 billion in 2020. However, concerns arise regarding China’s infrastructural investments and over USD 170 billion worth of loans in Africa, which are perceived as exploitative, given the expectation of natural resources in exchange.

During a meeting with President João Lourenço of Angola, Blinken praised the advancements in one of the US’s most significant investments in Africa: the construction of the Lobito Corridor, a crucial rail link for metals exports from the central African Copper Belt. However, for Tietie, who holds that the US is bent on containing the influence of Russia and China in Africa, such developments are insufficient.

“The gospel of democracy by the Americans [in Africa] has not been able to match the alluring and tantalising presence of the Chinese with their loans and offer to exploit natural resources in exchange for cash. The Americans must do more than ordinary promises, many of which we have had in the past that have not translated to growth and development for African countries,” Tietie told IPS.

For Dabo, Africa, which she described as “the land of opportunities,” will keep being exploited for its natural resources by the US and China if the US does not put its capacities to good use.

Source: All Africa

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The Grammys is the most prestigious award in the largest music industry in the world. Its focus has always been US music styles in categories like pop, R&B, rap, country, jazz and classical.

As musical styles from abroad (or in Spanish) have moved into the US commercial market, the Grammy Foundation has tried to recognise them – beyond the generic “folk music” category it first used to put them in. So categories were established like Latin, Mexican, reggae, world music and global music.

Now Africa has its own best song category, the first continent with this distinction. This is clearly a nod to the growing popularity of African music in the US – notably Afrobeats from Nigeria.

Few African artists received Grammy nominations until 1992, when the Best World Music Album category was added. A diverse range of African music came to dominate this category. But “world music” was criticised for being outmoded. The award was renamed Best Global Music Album in 2021. The reasons given included:

The change symbolises a departure from the connotations of colonialism, folk and ‘non-American’.

The new name came with a shift in which music received nominations. “World music” tended to recognise regional music styles released on small independent labels. “Global music” was seemingly more focused on more commercial music that was also reaching the US charts. It tended to reward Afrobeats and other popular electronic dance music that took creative cues from the US.

How music represents and expresses identity and cultural authenticity has been a key issue in my research as an ethnomusicologist. Certainly, generational shifts happen and interests in some deeply rooted traditions may fade in favour of new global currents. But still, I have mixed reactions to the new award. The economic boon that the Grammys brings to the African music industry could be significant. But at what cost to its diversity of offerings?

The Grammys claims to recognise excellence. But it also celebrates US cultural imperialism and commercial success – a track record evident in its history.

This first batch of best performance nominees provides further clues that US record conglomerates are strongly shaping Grammy recognition.

Africa at the Grammys

The first Grammy Awards ceremony was in 1959, the same year South African star Miriam Makeba first toured the US.

In 1960 the Best Folk Performance category was added. This was the key. In 1961 Makeba received three nominations (new artist, female vocalist and folk). She was the first African artist nominated and it happened again in 1964 and 1965. Folk was the only category that could accommodate singing like hers – in South African languages with acoustic string instruments and hand percussion.

In 1966 Makeba won her only Grammy. It was in the folk category. She had two albums in the running: Makeba Sings and the winner, An Evening with Belafonte/Makeba.

Harry Belafonte was a well-established US singer and film star. His early sponsorship was essential. This would be a recurring theme, from Paul Simon and Ladysmith Black Mambazo to Peter Gabriel and Youssou N’Dour to Drake and Wizkid to Beyoncé and the predominantly Nigerian artists on her 2019 Lion King album. Burna Boy, who appeared on it, received his first Grammy nomination the following year.

On the charts

Makeba was also the first African artist to break into the upper reaches of the US Billboard charts (Pata Pata reached number 12 in 1967). She was followed by South African Hugh Masekela’s Grazing in the Grass (first spot in 1968) and Cameroonian Manu Dibango’s Soul Makossa (35th in 1973). Then a long drought.

Masekela’s feat has yet to be duplicated by an African born-and-raised solo artist. Sade, Seal, Akon and Chamillionaire, children of immigrants from Nigeria or Senegal in the US and the UK, all hit number one. Sade and Seal won Grammys.

Nigeria’s Wizkid hit top spot as a guest of Drake (2016) and Tems when sampled by Future (2022).

From folk music to world music

The term “world music” was used by global heritage body Unesco as early as 1948 to create a music catalogue and later sponsor a library of albums from over 70 countries. Ethnomusicologists expanded the term to “incorporate the total range of music”, an early attempt to decolonise musical institutions.

In 1987 some British independent record label execs adopted “world music” as a marketing category for retailers to give visibility to albums that didn’t have a place on the shelf. The Grammys first awarded the Best World Music Album in 1992. It split into “traditional” and “contemporary” in 2004 but merged again in 2012.

The new category provided a huge boost for African artists. In seven of the eight years of the traditional award the winners were South African choral groups and Malian kora players. Senegal, Benin, Cape Verde and Nigeria also received nominations.

But objections to “world music” persisted for being a catch-all category that marginalised artists and their cultures.

From world music to global music

So the Grammys announced in 2020 that “world music” was being replaced by “global music”, offering “a fresh perspective fuelled by authenticity, diversity and direct inclusion”.

An article at entertainment website UPROXX earlier in 2020 argued that Burna Boy’s loss at his first Grammys highlighted the problems with the world music category. UPROXX is a Warner Music Group independent subsidiary; Burna Boy is signed to Warner. Perhaps they caught the ear of the Grammy Foundation. He won the debut Best Global Music Album award in 2021. A new category for songs – Best Global Music Performance – was added the following year.

Nigeria has been the only country with nominees each year of the global album category. The two new global music categories have particularly benefited Afrobeats artists with major label support, like Wizkid (RCA), Burna Boy (Warner) and Davido (Columbia/Sony). Authenticity for the Grammys, it appears, is shaped by what the largest numbers of people are listening to.

The role of Afrobeats

Afrobeats, a hybrid genre with roots in Nigeria and Ghana and named in the UK in the early 2010s, is so big in the US it even has its own Billboard chart.

Currently driving the scene is Burna Boy. In 2024 he has four Grammy nominations (African performance, global album, global performance and melodic rap).

Burna Boy himself offers a critique of Afrobeats, a label he shuns:

There’s no substance, like nobody is talking about anything. It’s just a great time, it’s an amazing time … But at the end of the day, life is not an amazing time.

Five of the seven nominees in the new African category are Nigerian. (Asake, Burna Boy, Davido, Olamide and Ayra Starr; Musa Keys and Tyla are South African.) Afrobeats is big business. Indeed, the new African category was created after the head of the Grammys travelled to Africa to speak with music industry leaders.

African artists have now been offered a seat at the table. And the stakes for the representation of African culture have just been raised.

Source: The Conversation

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Within days of Israel’s retaliatory campaign following the Oct. 7th Hamas attacks, alarm bells about war crimes began ringing. Among the earliest was the resignation of Josh Paul, a State Department official who oversaw U.S. arms transfers. 

The Hamas attacks were a “monstrosity of monstrosities” he wrote in his Oct. 18 letter of resignation, but he could not sanction rushing arms into a conflict without debate or discussion. To do so violated the Biden administration’s own prohibitions on weapons transfers. “It is more than apparent how arms that we are providing to Israel … will be used,” Paul later told The Nation. “In fact, it is a certainty that they will be used for human rights violations and result in massive civilian casualties.” 

On Oct. 28, Craig Mokhiber, director of the New York Office of the U.N.’s High Commissioner for Human Rights, resigned in protest over the United Nations’ alleged failure to prevent what he called a “text-book case of genocide” in Gaza and the West Bank, one in which “the United States, the United Kingdom, and much of Europe are wholly complicit.”

On Nov. 6, Human Rights Watch called on the U.S. to suspend arms transfers to Israel, saying failure to do so risked complicity in war crimes. 

On Nov. 13, the New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights filed a federal lawsuit against Biden, Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin for their “failure to prevent and complicity in the Israeli government’s unfolding genocide against … 2.2 million Palestinians in Gaza.” 

Seventy-seven international human rights organizations have since signed on to the lawsuit, which was filed on behalf of two Palestinian human rights organizations and eight individual Palestinians in the U.S. and Gaza. 

And now comes South Africa, arguing before the International Court of Justice on Jan. 11 that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. Israel denounced the charge as “blood libel” but took it seriously nonetheless, offering counterarguments the following day. Unlike the International Criminal Court, which the U.S. and Israel do not recognize, the International Court of Justice, or ICJ, is an organ of the United Nations and has jurisdiction over all its member states. Most have ratified the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The state of Israel, created in the aftermath of a genocide, was among the first to do so. 

Genocide, as defined by the convention, entails committing certain acts against a targeted group such as “killing” or “deliberately inflicting … conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction,” and doing so with the “intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.” 

South Africa accuses Israel of intending to bring about “the destruction of a substantial part of the Palestinian national, racial and ethnical group,” the “substantial part” being the estimated 2.3 million Palestinians in Gaza (approximately 5.5 million Palestinians live in Gaza, east Jerusalem and the West Bank, according to The Associated Press).

The Biden administration has dismissed South Africa’s charge as “meritless.” Israel alleges Hamas are the genocidal ones. (The ICJ, which only adjudicates conflicts between states, has no jurisdiction over the group.) South Africa’s allegation, however, is amply documented; its 84-page application to the court contains 574 footnotes. 

Condemning the brutality of Hamas and other Palestinian militants as violations of international law, South Africa’s lawyers noted that no attack on a state, not even one involving atrocities, justified a breach of the genocide convention. 

Israel’s breaches are alleged to include: killing Palestinians in Gaza, (70% of those killed are said to be women and children); causing the forced displacement and evacuation of about 85% of the population; causing widespread hunger, starvation and dehydration by impeding sufficient humanitarian aid; destroying Palestinian life in Gaza, its cultural, religious and educational institutions; and imposing measures intended to prevent Palestinian births. 

South Africa alleges genocidal intent is evident in the numerous public statements by Israeli officials urging total destruction of the Palestinian territory. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s invocation of a Biblical massacre in his speech to Israeli troops on the eve of the ground invasion, and Defense Minister Yoav Gallant’s call for a “complete siege. … No electricity, no food, no water, no fuel. … We are fighting human animals and we are acting accordingly,” are two of the many examples cited. 

Intent is also evident in the “nature, scope and extent of Israel’s military attacks” that has allegedly “damaged or destroyed in excess of 355,000 Palestinian homes, alongside extensive tracts of agricultural land, bakeries, schools, universities, businesses, places of worship, cemeteries, cultural and archaeological sites, municipal and court buildings, and critical infrastructure, including water and sanitation facilities and electricity networks, while pursuing a relentless assault on the Palestinian medical and healthcare system,” the brief notes.

It will take months, if not years, for the ICJ to issue a ruling. In the meantime, on Jan. 26 the court ordered Israel to prevent and punish direct incitement of genocide. 

If the court finds Israel guilty of genocide, then complicity will be the Biden administration’s legacy. Almost all the destruction documented in South Africa’s case is made possible by U.S. weaponry. The white phosphorous burning Palestinian bodies, the 2,000-pound “dumb bombs” dropped on densely crowded areas, and the 155 mm artillery shells, which are inherently indiscriminate, are U.S. products. 

This made-in-USA war has wreaked more destruction proportionally than the Allied bombing of Germany during World War II, according to The Associated Press.

As that destruction increased and the civilian death toll mounted, Biden, America’s second Catholic president, not only thwarted international calls for a ceasefire at the U.N. but continued to supply Israel with American works of war.

If our Catholic president gets implicated with complicity in genocide, then so do we. Genocides are never an individual endeavor. They occur because of the propagandistic othering of “the enemy.” They occur because of our own fatalistic resignation to violence. Professing faith in an incarnational God and the sanctity of human life, we tolerate a war that desecrates these convictions. May God forgive us. May God transform us. 

Of all the heartbreaking details contained in South Africa’s brief, the one that haunts me most is the message a Gazan doctor, working in a besieged hospital, wrote on a whiteboard days before he was killed: “We did what we could. Remember us.” Can we say the same of ourselves?

Source: NCR

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David McCallum – the British actor who played as Dr. Donald “Ducky” Mallard, a pathologist on hit CBS TV program NCIS, has died aged 90 on Monday (25/09/2023). McCallum died on Monday of natural causes, surrounded by his family, at New York Presbyterian Hospital, CBS said in a statement.

NCIS executive producers Steven D. Binder and David North shared their memories of working with McCallum. “For over twenty years, David McCallum endeared himself to audiences around the world playing the wise, quirky, and sometimes enigmatic, Dr. Donald ‘Ducky’ Mallard,” they shared in a statement. “But as much as his fans may have loved him, those who worked side by side with David loved him that much more. He was a scholar and a gentleman, always gracious, a consummate professional, and never one to pass up a joke.” 

McCallum has been active in the world of acting since the 50s. The Scottish-born actor was a gifted actor and author and beloved around the world. “He led an incredible life, and his legacy will forever live on through his family and the countless hours on film and television that will never go away.”

His role in The Man from U.N.C.L.E. – in which he played a Russian agent – won him many fans, particularly young women charmed by his good looks. The series ended in 1968, but not before he received several Emmy and Golden Globe nominations for playing the role of Illya Kuryakin on the show.

McCallum found roles in films including The Great Escape, The Greatest Story Ever Told, and A Night to Remember. He also guest starred on TV series Perry Mason and The Outer Limits.

His role on NCIS came after he appeared for a role in the show JAG, which led to the NCIS spinoff. NCIS itself later went on to generate other NCIS shows, including NCIS: Los Angeles and NCIS: New Orleans.

McCallum also found work as a voice actor for children’s cartoons and video games. A statement issued by his family called him a “true renaissance man”. “He was the kindest, coolest, most patient and loving father. He always put family before self,” son Peter McCallum said.

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American Airlines Cargo announced that it had joined United for Wildlife, a group dedicated to ending the illegal trafficking of wildlife, as first reported in the airline’s 2022 Sustainability Report. American signed the Buckingham Palace Declaration in December 2022, making it the first U.S. airline and U.S. cargo carrier to join the organization.

United for Wildlife was founded by Prince William and The Royal Foundation in 2014 to protect endangered species from illegal trade. As a member of the Transport Taskforce and the North American Chapter, American plays a vital role in stopping the illegal trafficking of wildlife by preventing these products from being transported across borders.

Together with other players along the supply chain and regional partners from various sectors, American Airlines Cargo is part of a critical network of stakeholders trained to recognize patterns of illegal wildlife trade where it is most prevalent.

“We are proud to be the first U.S. cargo carrier to join United for Wildlife. We take our membership in the Transport Taskforce very seriously and are committed to doing our part to put an end to wildlife smuggling within the supply chain,” said Cargo President Greg Schwendinger. “It’s a privilege to link up with other industries and logistics players to fight for this mission together.”

Ian Cruickshank, United for Wildlife Transport Taskforce Manager, said: “Airlines can play a vital role in disrupting the supply chains of international criminal syndicates trafficking in vulnerable and endangered species. No country is immune from these crimes – between 2009 and 2021; there were an average of seven wildlife seizures a day at US airports. We’re thrilled to welcome American Airlines on board as our first U.S. airline partner and look forward to working together into the future to drive down this exploitation.”

The criminal wildlife trafficking trade is estimated to be worth up to $20 billion annually as poachers and traffickers illegally trade wildlife and wildlife products, such as monkeys, rhino horn, ivory, pangolin scales or tiger parts, among many others. This illegal trade is a major threat to global biodiversity and human health and is linked to many other criminal acts.

Source: Metro Airport News

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